Æлена (barskaya) wrote,
Æлена
barskaya

Chubais Clan and its illicit activities...

-Очень интересно говорит о Чубайсе и его политике Майкл Хадсон (Harvard Institute for International Development (HIID)
Он и Андерс Åслунд получили оффиcы c 13 декабря 1991 в Совете Министров и работали там в течение 1992 и в Министерстве финансов в течение 1993. В течение периода до конца 1992, они главным образом являлись советниками Премьер-министрa Егорa Гaйдарa, a в 1993 российского Министерствa финансов, советниками Заместителя Премьер-Министра Борисa Федоровa

Майкл Хадсон :"...Based on discussions I had with U.S. global investors during the 1990s, I think I am in a good position to point out why many of them preferred to see major Russian companies pass into just a few corrupt hands. If a few Russian insiders could buy out Russian oil fields and other firms at only 1 or 2 cents on the dollar, they probably would be willing to sell their takings to U.S. and other international investors for 2 to 4 cents. This would enable them to double their money, while providing foreigners with what they wanted: inexpensive ownership of Russia’s potentially lucrative mineral wealth and public utilities, as well as its real estate (or, more specifically, its land).

Thus, one reason the U.S. government welcomed the Chubais-HIID mode of “reform” was because of pressure from large investors. If Wall Street investment bankers wanted to take an investment position in Russia, they could do so most easily—and at a much lower price—if only a few “oligarchs” gained ownership of Russia’s prize assets. However, if the Russian government or other parties retained control over these assets, they would not be sold as rapidly, and probably would be sold at a higher price.

And so a symbiosis developed between the largest U.S. investors and Russian oligarchs. The largest U.S. investors realized that the kleptocrats for their part wanted to transfer their fortunes abroad. This is what all thieves want to do, for a simple reason: if they keep their money at home, it can be seized by true market reformers. Hence, Russian appropriators sought to move their money to Cyprus, Switzerland and other offshore banking centers, topped by the United States.

To do this, they needed security from Western prosecution. The traditional way to achieve this is to go into partnership with well-placed Westerners. Partnership agreements accordingly were sealed by selling part of their stock ownership to Western investors. Such sales in fact were the only way in which the privatizers were able to realize financial value for their control, for there was no purchasing power within Russia itself to buy their shares. To raise money off the shares they had obtained, Russians needed to sell abroad.

This was well recognized by international investors. It explains why they turned a blind eye to the abuses by Chubais and other insiders, for they knew that they themselves would be the beneficiaries..."

Стивен Розефилд, профессор экономики, Университет Северной Каролины:": называет Кремлевских -ворьем, a Новая экономическая модель, которая появилась, подобна режиму, изобретенному Hjalmar Schacht для Гитлера: marketized вариант командной экономики,  ...  

... Only Chubais, Maxim Boycko and Alfred Kokh—successive chairmen of the Russian State Property Committee and members of the "transactors circle"—could have mitigated the plunder and disorder, had they not been so thoroughly corrupt. (Чубайс, Бойко и Кох могли  смягчить грабеж и беспорядок, не будь они сами настолько коррумпированы)".

http://www.michael-hudson.com/

Там же Michael Hudson о Втором Сроке Путина и o Менатепе, моющем денежки под присмотром КГБ. "Menatep (Khodorkovsky's bank) was the vehicle through which almost all the transfers of serious money in and out of Russia took place from 1992 to 1998. When we started 'tolling' aluminium and others started tolling copper and nickel we did not send the proceeds of our sales back to Russia. On the advice of Russian Prime Minister Silayev, Deputy Prime Minister Oleg Soskovets, presidential aide Aleksandr Korzhakov and Speaker Ruslan Kasbulatov we were told to make all our payments to Menatep Bank. Sometimes it might be Menatep Cyprus, sometimes Menatep Gibraltar, Menatep Finance Geneva, Menatep Inc. New York, etc. When we sold the metals we had tolled a small fee was paid to the smelters. A payment was sent them through their designated bank, often Citibank in NY. The bulk of the money was sent to Menatep marked 'for onward transfer to -.Company or -. Account at--Bank'. We did not know the recipient at the end of the chain. It wasn't our business. We paid what we had agreed and that was all. Only Menatep know exactly to whom these payments were going after we deposited the funds. These were not trivial sums; our payments alone often amounted to US$60 million a month. Menatep monitored the cash flow and directed the funds to the accounts of the highest powers in the land v the Presidency, the Government and the Chekists who staffed the parallel infrastructure. Menatep had been set up by these people and Khodorkovsky chosen to be at its head; not the other way round. There was virtually no aspect of what Menatep was doing which wasn't controlled by, monitored by and directed by these same leaders. This included providing government-sanctioned services to organised crime. From its early days the young men at Menatep have provided financial services to the Solntsevo, Lyubarsky, Uralmash and Izmailova families. Through his connections with Semyon Mogilevich Menatep began moving currencies and investments to and through Hungary and then to the U.S. Menatep handled the foreign exchange business of Grigory Luchansky in Nordex and moved large sums into the U.S. A U.S. law suit involving the Avisma Corp. revealed the details of how Menatep was the perpetrator of a gigantic con in which tens of millions of dollars were diverted from the company. Khodorkovsky and fugitive banker Alexander Konenyikin started the Antigua-registered European Union Bank which was described in a House Banking and Financial Services Committee as a 'KGB money-laundering operation with stolen funds that were passed through Khodorkovsky of Menatep Bank as a KGB-controlled front firm.' According to the investigators the entire operation was coordinated at SVR headquarters and was personally supervised by Aleksandr Korzakov. Through Korzakhov and his friendships with Mikhail Stepashin and Yuri Primakov, Khodorkovsky was given access to the Bulgarian and the Hungarian services to replicate his work for them. The main person in charge of security operations in Khodorkovsky's companies has been Mikhail Yosifovich Shestopalov former head of the Division for Combatting Thefts of Socialist Property and Speculation of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. The head of Menatep's and Yukos's information and analysis section was Karabinov, former head of the KGB Centre for Public Relations (the man who ran the 'Miss KGB' contest). The point of this is not to attack Khodorkovsky. It is to make clear that virtually everything he did was directed, supervised and monitored by the very people who are now attacking him. There were Chekists at every level of Menatep and Yukos. There were no mysteries. The politruks and the pakhans supervised everything. He was a predurok in a controlled system." -February 27, 2004 Russia: Reforming the Reformers An Interview with Michael Hudson ...MH: To most observers Mr. Putin appears as a Rorschach test. Old Cold Warriors look at his KGB background and fear a resurgence of totalitarianism. Neoliberals--fronting for the oligarchs who hope to sell their companies to Western investors--depict his attempt to re-assert state power, efficient taxation and law enforcement as nothing less than "red-brown" fascism. But many businessmen are charmed by Putin's promise that Russia's stock market will benefit from the stability he has brought. ...

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